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Их зөвшилцлийн эзэд
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Их зөвшилцлийн эзэд

 

 

Өнөөгийн шинэ Үндсэн хууль 1992 оны нэгдүгээр сарын 13-нд БНМАУ-ын Ардын Их Хурлаар батлагдаж, тухайн оныхоо хоёрдугаар сарын 12-ны өдрөөс мөрдөгдөж эхэлсэн байдаг. Өдгөө 25 жилийнх нь ойн өдрүүд тохиож байна. Монгол Улсад хүмүүнлэг, иргэний ардчилсан нийгмийг цогцлоон тунхагласан уг үйл явцад оролцсон эрхмүүдийг зочин “хоймор”-тоо урилаа. Өнгөрсөн пүрэв гаригт МУСГЗ, доктор, профессор, зохиолч Л.Дашням гуайтай холбогдоход “Одоо хүрээд ирвэл Үндсэн хууль тогтоогчид цуглаж байна” гэснээр Монгол уламжлал академийн байранд Үндсэн хууль болоод “Жудагт Монгол” хөдөлгөөнийхөө талаар ярилцаж суухад нь очсон юм.  Ж.Гомбожав гуайг АИХ-ын даргаар ажиллаж байсныг хүмүүс тайлбарлалтгүй мэдэх байх. Үндсэн хууль “төрөн” гарах бэлтгэл ажлыг хангах бүхий үйл явц түүнтэй холбогддог. Харин Ерөнхийлөгчийн сонгуульд өрсөлдөж байсан Л.Дашням гуай түүний орлогчоор ажиллаж байсан бол Геологи, уул уурхайн орлогч сайд, сайд асан Ч.Хурц гуайг АИХ-д хоёр ч тойргоос зэрэг нэр дэвшүүлчихэж байсан гэдэг. Тэгвэл УИХ-ын дэд дарга асан Л.Цог Намын төв хорооны гишүүн мөртлөө Сүхбаатарын талбайд болсон эсэргүүцлийн жагсаалд эсгий гуталтай оролцоод явж байсан хүн. Ийм л амьдралын замналтай, мөн бие чац ихтэй хүмүүстэй уулзлаа. Л.Цог, Л.Дашням нар “Бид өнөө жудагт Монголынхоо ажлаар ойрд уулзаагүй байлаа. Мөн Үндсэн хууль тогтоогчид хааяа нэг уулзаж учрахаараа бидний баталсан хууль яаж хэрэгжиж байна. Энэ юунаас болов. Өөрчилье гэвэл юуг нь яаж өөрчлөх үү гэдгийг дандаа ярьдаг. Өнөөдөр ч бид энэ тухайгаа яриад л сууж байна” гэсээр угтсан юм.



Ингээд бидний яриа хэрхэн Үндсэн хууль тогтоох болсон тэр цагаас эхлэв. Энэ талаар Ж.Гомбожав “Ер нь 1960 оны Үндсэн хуульд өөрчлөлт оруулъя гэдэг бодол санаа бол тэр үеийн эрх баригч МАХН-д 1980-аад оны сүүлчээс эхэлсэн байгаа юм. Ингэж явсаар 1990 оны ардчилсан хувьсгалтай золгосон л доо. Улс төрийн товчоо огцроод шинээр байгуулагдсан АИХ-ын Тэргүүлэгчдийн дарга П.Очирбатаар даргалуулсан Үндсэн хуулийг боловсруулах комиссыг байгуулсан. 1990 оны гуравдугаар сарын 7-8-ны өдрүүдэд Сүхбаатарын талбайд том жагсаал цуглаанууд болж “Засгийн газар, Улс төрийн товчоо огцор” гэдэг шаардлагуудыг тавиад талбай ер нь бараг л дүүрч байлаа. МАХН-ын Төв хороо 1990 онд сонгууль явуулья гээд түүний хуулийн төсөл боловсруулах арав гаруй хүний бүрэлдэхүүнтэй комисс ажиллаж байв. Тэр Сонгуулийн хуулийн төслийг боловсруулах комиссын дарга нь Төв хорооны нарийн бичгийн дарга Ц.Намсрай байсан. Би Төв аймгийн дарга байхдаа комиссын бүрэлдэхүүнд ажиллаж байлаа. Манай комисс Засгийн газрын ордны зүүн жигүүрт Б.Чимидийн өрөөнд голдуу ажлаа явуулдаг. Ц.Намсрай дарга үе, үе “Улс төрийн товчоо цуглаж байна” гээд яваад өгнө. Ирэхээр нь бид Улс төрийн товчоо юу ярив гээд үгэнд дурлахаар “Ж.Батмөнх дарга цонх руу харчихаад зүрхэн дээрээ гараа тавьчихаад баахан зогсох юм. Өнгөрсөн шөнө юу болов, өчигдөр юу болов гэсэн процесс баахан сонсох юм. Ямар ч шийдвэр алга” гээд заримдаа бухимдангуй орж ирнэ. Бид ч яахав төслөө боловсруулаад л байдаг. Нэг өдөр тэр ажлын хэсэг дээр ярьж байтал Ц.Намсрай дарга “Гомбожав аа, чи АИХ-ын депутатаар олон жил болсон. Ер нь энэ депутатын тоо хэд байх ёстой юм бэ” гэхээр нь “Би Чойроос нэг удаа сонгогдсон. Дорноговь аймгийн зүүн талын тав, зургаан сумаас сонгогдож үзлээ. Гэхдээ нэг сумаас сонгогдсон нь дээр бололтой. Олон сумаас сонгогдчихоор уулзалт хийж барагддаггүй. Захиа даалгавар гэж асар их гардаг юм байна. Тийм болохоор сум бүрээс нэг депутат байсан нь дээр юм” гэж санал тавилаа. Тэгсэн Ц.Намсрай дарга, Б.Чимид хоёр “Энэ чинь зөв юм байна” гээд анх Монгол Улсын 430 сум, хорооноос нэг нэг депутат сонгохоор тэр хуулийн төсөлд оруулж Үндсэн хуулийг батлалцах 430 депутатын тоо тэр хуулиар дархлагдаж байсан” хэмээн хуучиллаа.



Мөн тэрбээр “Үндсэн хууль шулуун, дардан замаар батлагдаагүй. 1991 оны тавдугаар сарын дундуур энэ Ч.Хурц бид хоёр Сүхбаатар аймаг руу Мөнххаан сумын Баатардорж гэдэг хүнээс хурдан буурал азаргыг нь худалдаж авна гээд онгоцоор нислээ. Тэр үед би АИХ-ын дарга байсан. Тэгээд онгоцоор нисээд Эрдэнэбаянулааны дээр явж байтал онгоцны дарга “Таныг энэ онгоцоор буцаад ирээч гэж байна” гэв.  Би ч “Тэгвэл аймагтаа ирсэн юм байна 15 минут амьсгал авчихаад буцъя. Хурц чи тэр Баатардоржийнхоос очоод азаргаа авчих” гээд буцлаа. Буянт-Ухаа дээр хүлээж байсан машинд суугаад П.Очирбатын  өрөөнд очлоо. П.Очирбат “Цаана чинь АИХ-ын 100 гаруй депутатууд ээлжит бус чуулган хийнэ. Улсын Бага Хурал, Засгийн газрын үйл ажиллагааны тухай хэлэлцэнэ, дөрвөн тонн алт диллер юу болов түүнийг хэлэлцэнэ гээд оволзож байна. Үүнийг хэлэлцэх юм бол юун Үндсэн хуулийг хэлэлцэж батлах. Энэ УБХ, Засгийн газар огцрохоос өөр замгүй болно. Тэгвэл шинээр бүрдүүлэх гэж бөөн ажил үүсэх юм байна. Одоо яах уу” гэж байна. Бид хоёр баахан ярьж байгаад маргааш нь нөгөө депутатуудаа цуглуулаад “Ерөөсөө бүсчилсэн зөвлөгөөн хийе. Тэр дээрээ УБХ, Засгийн газар, алт диллер, Үндсэн хуулийнхаа төслийн тухай ард нийтээрээ хэлэлцүүлье” гэж хэллээ. Эхлээд их ширүүн байлаа. Сүүлдээ зөвшөөрөөд зургаан бүсэд бүсчилсэн зөвлөгөөн хийхээр тохиролцсон юм. Тэгээд АИХ-ын даргын захирамж гараад зургаан бүсэд бүсчилсэн зөвлөгөөнүүд хийж бүсчилсэн зөвлөгөөний дүнгийн тухай УБХ-ын тогтоол гарсан. Тэр тогтоолд депутатуудын гаргасан санал их зөв зүйтэй байна. Үндсэн хуулийг ажил хэрэг болгох, Үндсэн хуулийн талаар тавьсан саналуудыг тусгах барих гэсэн зүйлс байсан. Депутатуудын уур амьсгалыг зөөлрүүлж, ээлжит бус чуулган хийхгүй байх зорилгоор нэг ёсондоо “панаалдаж” байгаа зүйл шүү дээ. Тэгж байж хугацаандаа чуулган хийх бололцоо бүрдэж байлаа. Хэрвээ бүсчилсэн зөвлөгөөн хийгээгүй бол тэр үеийн УБХ, Засгийн газар огцрох нөхцөл байдал үүсчихсэн байсан” гэв. Тухайн үед Үндсэн хуулийг боловсруулах ажлын хүрээнд бүх ард түмнээр гурван шахуу хэлэлцүүлсэн байна. Энэ явцад нийт 900 мянга орчим хүн оролцсон байдаг. 435 мянга гаруй хүнээс санал ирүүлснээс 5700 гаруй саналыг нэгтгэж тус саналуудыг Их цаазын төсөлд тусгах, боловсруулах арваад ажлын хэсэг байгуулагдсан аж. Тэнд 90 орчим эрдэмтэд, мэргэжлийн хүмүүс ажиллаж байжээ.



Ж.Гомбожав гуай цааш нь “Би дөрвөн орлогчтой тэдний нэг нь энэ Л.Дашням байлаа. Ажлын хэсэг гурван хүнтэй. Тэр үед таван байнгын комисстой. Тэд бол өдөр тутам бараг үйл ажиллагаа явуулж байдаг. Ер нь Үндсэн хуулийг АИХ-аар хэлэлцэх бэлтгэлийг хангахад Бага хуралтай зэрэгцэж ажилласан. Тэр үеийн зарим хүмүүс ч мэддэггүй. Тухайн цагт Монгол Улсад хоёр танхимтай парламент бодитойгоор ажиллаж байлаа. АИХ гэсэн дээд танхимыг хуулиар баталгаажуулсан байсан. Төрийн эрх барих дээд байгууллага бол АИХ, хууль тогтоох, хяналт тавих дээд байгууллага нь УБХ мөн гээд Үндсэн хуулийн нэмэлтийн тухай хуульд батлаад өгчихсөн байсан юм. Ийм хоёр танхим ажиллаж байсан. Тэр үед УБХ, Засгийн газар, Дээд шүүх, прокурор бол АИХ-аас бас айхгүй ч гэсэн ямар нэг хэмжээгээр бидний санал онолыг авдаг байлаа. Би ганцхан жишээ ярихад Засгийн газрын 20 дугаар тогтоол гарах гэж байна гэдгийг дуулаад манай УБХ, Засгийн газрын 14 хүн өөрийн банкинд байсан хадгаламжийн дэвтрийг ямар нэг хэмжээгээр өсгөсөн тохиолдол гарч байв. Би Улсын Ерөнхий прокурорт үүрэг өгөөд түүнийг нь шалгуулж байсан баримт материал одоо ч бий” хэмээсэн юм.  Олон газраас ирсэн депутатууд янз бүрийн асуудал гаргана биз гэхэд Ж.Гомбожав гуай “430 депутат байсан. Амьдрал л юм чинь тэр үед депутатуудтайгаа холбогдсон янз бүрийн асуудлууд гарна. С.Зориг цонхоороо морь харсан байна ч гэдэг юм уу. Эсвэл Э.Бат-Үүл хүнтэй зодолдсон гэх зэрэг зөндөө юм бий. Хөдөөнөөс ирсэн депатутууд ийм зодоон цохион, хэрүүл уруул хийлээ гэх мэтчилэнгээр төрөл бүрийн л юм болно” гэв.



 Л.Дашням гуай “Үндсэн хууль баталж байсан үйл явц болон ямар хүмүүс Үндсэн хууль тогтоож баталж байв гэдгийг өнөөдөр жаахан буруу яриад байгаа юм. Ер нь 430 хүн чинь үнэн хэрэг дээрээ юу ч мэдэхгүй хэдэн нэгдлийн дарга, бүр нэг улайчихсан коммунистууд байгаагүй юм. Харин ч Үндсэн хуулийг баталсан бүтэц шиг бүтэц эргээд хэзээ ч бий болохгүй. Мэргэжил мэдлэгийн хувьд олон талын, ажил амьдралын туршлагын хувьд ч тэр. Мөн янз бүрийн үзэл бодлын намууд байлаа. Тэр бүх олон талын үзэл бодол, туршлага, мэргэжил, мэдлэг уралдаж байж бүтээсэн оюуны том бүтээл бол Үндсэн хууль юм. Үндсэн хууль тогтоох талаар ойлголтгүй хүмүүс ч байсан. Эхний нэг сар хэртэй эвэндээ орох, асуудлаа ойлгох зүйл гарч байлаа. Үндсэн хуулиа ойлгож байж баталж тогтооно шүү дээ. Тэр явцад бол янз бүрийн маргаанууд байсан л даа. Тэр жижиг маргаан, ойлголцлын зөрүүг л их томруулдаг. Бараг л тогтоож чадахгүй тарчих шахсан гэдэг. Процессын жижиг маргаан бол харьцангуй жижиг зүйл. Тэр бол гол түүх биш. Гол түүх нь бол энэ том бүтээлийг бий болгож, боловсруулж чадсан нь юм. Нийгмийнхээ өөрчлөлтийг харж хийж чадсан нь их чухал. Олон ургалч үзэл, хүний эрх Үндсэн хуулиар хангагдсан. Тэр 430 хүн чинь хамгийн анхны ардчилалтай сонгуулиар орж ирсэн депутатууд шүү дээ. Жинхэнэ төрийн төлөө бодож ажиллаж байлаа. Ямар сайндаа дөрвөн жилийн мандаттай сонгогдчихоод хоёр жилийн дотор Үндсэн хуулиа хийгээд өөрсдөө тарж байхав дээ. Одоо бол тарах нь битгий хэл цаашаа хэдэн жил байя гэж хэлнэ биз дээ” гэсэн юм.



Ч.Хурц гуай ”Депатутуудыг яаж сонгосон юм бэ гэдгийг энд яръя. Тэр үед жинхэнэ иргэдийн төлөөлөл сонгогдож байлаа. Тухайлбал, намайг хоёр газар депутатаар нэр дэвшүүлчихэж байсан. Найрамдлын раойны хоёрдугаар хороон дээр хорооны хөдөлмөрчид арван жилийн дунд сургууль дээр цуглахад яваад очлоо. 200 гаруй хүн байсан даа. Тэгээд иргэд хэнийгээ нэр дэвшүүлэх талаар ярьж байтал гэнэт нэг хүн босоод “АИХ-д хэнийг нэр дэвшүүлэх үү, гаднаас хэнийг манай хороог төлөөлөөч гэж хүн урих вэ. Бидний дунд бэлэн хүн сууж байна. Хурц гуайн нэрийг дэвшүүлье” гэчихлээ. Нөгөө цугласан хүмүүс ч тэгье, тэгье гээд хороон дарга “Хурц гуайг нэр дэвшүүлэх нь энэ талдаа, зөвшөөрөхгүй нь нөгөө талдаа суучих” гэв. 180-аад хүн намайг дэмжээд нэг талдаа ялгараад “За олонхийн саналаар Хурц гуайг нэр дэвшүүлье” гээд хороон дарга шийдчихлээ. Тэгж байтал Сүхбаатар аймгийн Баруун урт хотын нэг хэсэгт “Хурц гуайг нэр дэвшүүлье” гэдэг саналыг зарим улсууд гаргажээ. Тэр хороон дээр Талбулагийн нүүрсний уурхай, Сүхбаатар аймгийн Баруун-Урт хотын баруун хойт талын хороо бүтнээрээ багтдаг. Ингээд хоёр зэрэг нэр дэвшчихлээ. Тэгээд би сонголт хийсэн юм. Тухайн үед надтай цуг Найрамдлын раойны хоёрдугаар хороон дээр Д.Лүндээжанцан өрсөлдөх болжээ. Одоогийн Д.Лүндээжанцан биш шүү. Тэр үеийн Лүндээжанцан жаахан, залуухан шар хүү байлаа. Тэгээд иргэдтэй уулзалт хийнэ гээд хорооныхноо цуглаач гэж радиогоор зарлаад л. Би дотроо бодож байгаа юм. Энэ залуухан хүү хуульч бас багш юм байна. Энэ төрд орвол надаас арай дээр байж магадгүй гэж бодоод “За Лүндээжанцан, ах нь сугаа өргөлөө, тахимаа өглөө шүү. Намайг Сүхбаатар аймагт нэр дэвш гэнэ. Би чамайг эндээ үлдээе. Би Сүхбаатар аймаг явья” гэчихлээ. Тэгээд Сүхбаатарын баруун хойд талын тойрог, Талбулагийн уурхайнхантай уулзалт хийгээд Сүхбаатар аймгийн 273 дугаар тойргийн депутатаар сонгогдож байлаа. Үүнээс юу харагдаж байна. Намайг нам сонгоогүй. Бас ямар нэгэн хүн дэвшүүлээгүй. Хөдөлмөрчид хэн АИХ-д үнэхээр төрийг төлөөлж чадах хүн хэн бэ гэдгийг дотроо ярилцаад ард нийтийн цэвэр ардчиллын үндсэн дээр сонгууль болсон юм. Тэгэхээр нэр дэвшсэн цагаасаа эхлээд аль нэгэн улс төрийн байгууллага, аль нэгэн гадны нөлөөлөл байгаагүй шүү. Тэр үеийн депутатууд бол цэвэр ард түмний сонголт байсан” гэж хуучлав.



Мөн Ч.Хурц гуай “Өнөөдөр би өөрийнхөө амьдралаар туулаад энэ бүх зүйлийг бүгдийг нь цэгнээд явж байна. Тухайн үед АИХ-ын 430 депатут дотроосоо УБХ-ын гишүүдээ сонгосон. Боловсрол өндөртэй, төрд ажиллах чадвартай ийм улсуудыг сонгоё гээд УБХ-ыг байгуулж байлаа. Үндсэн хууль хэлэлцэх үед бидний Бие даагч депутатуудын бүлэг гэдэг үүсгэн байгуулагдаж тухайн үедээ “Яагаад төрийн эрхийг 76 хүнд төрийн эрхийг өгч байгаа юм. Яагаад нэг хүн зангидаад 76 хүнээ аваад явч болдоггүй юм. Ер нь Ерөнхийлөгчийн засаглалтай байхын юу нь муу юм бэ. Чингис хааны үед Монгол дэвжсэн, Богдын үед ардын хувьсгалыг үүсэн хөгжих үр хөвөрлийг бүрдүүлсэн. Ю.Цэдэнбал даргыг буруу юм хийсэн гэдэг. Хэрэв Ю.Цэдэнбал даргын буруу зөвийг жин дээр тавибал зөв тал нь хамаг жинг нь дарна” гээд үгээ хэлж байлаа. Тэр үеийн бие даасан депутатуудын бүлэг хоёр шатлалтай парламенттай Ерөнхийлөгчөө бүх ард түмнээсээ сонгодог ийм л засгийн төлөө тэмцсэн. Одоо харж байхад парламент Засгийн газрыг ажил хийлгэхээ болилоо. Парламент Засгийн газрын үүргийг гүйцэтгэдэг боллоо. Хууль хийхээс гадна хэлэлцэхгүй асуудал, ярихгүй юм гэж байхгүй боллоо. Тийм болохоор Үндсэн хууль мөнхийн юм биш. Үндсэн хуульд өөрчлөлт оруулж болно. Гэхдээ үүний тулд эрдэмтдээ ажиллуулах хэрэгтэй. Үндсэн хуулийг өөрчлөх юм гэхэд УИХ, Засгийн газар хийж болохгүй. Монголын ард түмэн өөрсдөө хийнэ шүү. Одоо харж байхад Монголд байгаа арван хэдэн нам бол үзэл бодлын биш санхүүжүүлэгчдийн бүлэглэл болчихжээ. Энд ямар нэгэн онол алга” гэв.



Түүний дараа Ж.Гомбожав “Танай сониноор дамжуулж энэ 1992 онд батлагдсан Үндсэн хууль бол Монголын ард түмний оюун санааны хамтын бүтээл гэдгийг хэлмээр байна. 900 гаруй мянган хүн оролцож 400 гаруй мянган санал гаргасан юм шүү дээ. 430 хүн цуглаад баталчихсан юм биш. Тухайн үед сонгогчдын тоо сая хүрэхгүй байсан гэхээр сонгуулийн насны бүх иргэд оролцсон гэж болно. Мөн гадаад таатай нөхцөл бүрдсэн байсан. ЗХУ задарчихаад манайх руу анхаарал тавих боломжоо алдсан байлаа. Бид бас 1960-аад оноос эхлээд хятадуудтай харилцаа сайнгүй болсон. Яг 1991 оны үед Хятадтай харилцах харилцаа ойртоогүй байсан. Түүний дээр Америк, Япон, Герман ч гэдэг юм уу гуравдахь хөрш гэж хэлж болохуйц дэлхийн том гүрнүүд байна шүү дээ. Тэдэнтэй түншилж ойртоогүй үе. Ерөнхийдөө гадаад талдаа Монголын төлөө анхаарал тавих тийм улс гүрэн байхгүй нөхцөлд энэ Үндсэн хууль хийгдсэн. Ямар ч гадны нөлөөгүй гэсэн үг. Хэдийгээр гадаад гүрнүүдийн нөлөө байгаагүй боловч манай УБХ, АИХ, эрдэмтэд, иргэд дэлхийн Үндсэн хуулиудаас авч болох дэвшилттэй зүйлүүдийг бол авсан. Гэхдээ ямар нэг орны Үндсэн хуулийг хуулбарласан гэж болохгүй. Дэлхий дээр Үндсэн хууль хийдэг хоёр чиглэл байдаг. Бид их газрын чиглэлийг баримтлаад л авах гээхийн ухаанаар хандсан хийсэн. Ялангуяа хүний эрхийн талаарх их тов тодорхой зүйлүүд тусгагдсан байдаг юм. Энэ Үндсэн хууль бол Монголын ард түмний оюун санааны үнэхээр их зөвшилцлийн үндсэн дээр гаднын онц их нөлөөлөлгүйгээр гэхдээ дэлхийн сонгодог хуулиу-даас авч хийсэн ийм хууль.



Мөн тэр үеийн улс төрийн намууд, олон нийтийн байгууллагуудын зөвшилцлийн үр дүнд бий болсон бүтээл гэж болно. Тэр үед Монголд ямар намууд байсан бүгд идэвхтэй оролцсон. Үйлдвэрчин, эмэгтэйчүүд, залуучууд, нэгдэлчид бүгд ирсэн. Би үүнийг яагаад хэлж байна вэ гэвэл 21 хүнтэй Депутатын хороо гэж Үндсэн хууль хэлэлцэх үед байгуулсан юм. Тэр Депутатын хорооны даргаар нь би ажиллаж байсан. Манай депатутуудын ихэнх нь бас Депатутын хороо яаж ажиллаж байсныг мэддэггүй. Анхдугаар хэлэлцүүлгийг 1991 оны арваннэгдүгээр сарын 18-наас арванхоёрдугаар сарын 24-ний хооронд нэг сар зургаа хоног хэлэлцсэн байгаа. Депатутын хороо депатутуудын гаргасан санал дүгнэлтийг нэгтгээд илтгэл тавьсан. Түүнийг АИХ-ын чуулган дээр хамгаалах тэр үүргийг бол Б.Чимид, Д.Лүндээжанцан хоёр гүйцэтгэх тогтоол гарсан. Б.Чимид УБХ-ын нарийн бичгийн дарга байсан. Мөн Үндсэн хуулийн төслийг боловсруулахад анхнаас нь гардан оролцсон хүн. Харин Д.Лүндээжанцан бол манай Депутатын хорооны нарийн бичгийн дарга байсан. Нэг үгээр АИХ-ын депутатуудын төлөөлөл болгож сонгож байлаа. Өвчин, зовлон янз бүрийн гачигдал гарч мэдэх учраас Депутатын хороо хэлэлцээд Үндсэн хуулийн эх баригчаар Б.Чимид, Д.Лүндээжанцан хоёрыг томилж байлаа. Яг индэр дээр бол Б.Чимид гарч хамгаалж, уншдаг, тайлбарладаг байлаа.



Л.Дашням гуай “Бас яг Үндсэн хууль тогтооход бэлэн биш байсан хүмүүс ч бий. Өөрсдөө ч тэрийгээ ярьж л байсан. Жишээ нь, Ж.Гомбожав даргын ярьж байгаа Үндсэн хуулийн хороо бол зэрэг давхар олон цагаар ажилласан хороо шүү дээ. Ш.Сүрэнжавыг хурал тасаллаа гээд зэмлэсэн чинь “Би ерөөсөө энд нэмэргүй юм. Та намайг бүрмөсөн чөлөөлөөд өгөөч. Би бол яруу найрагч хүн хуульд онц их нийцдэггүйг ойлгосон. Хадбаатарын тухай миний ярьснаас та нар тодорхой ойлгосон байх” гэж байсан. Төрийн том ажил хийнэ гэдэг чинь өөрөө бэлтгэгдэх ёстой. Түүнийг л энэ залуучууд мэддэггүй. Бүх хүн бэлэн, чадна гэж бодоод байх шиг. Хэрэв чаддаггүй бол урд талын туршлагатай, мэддэг чаддаг хүнээс сурах ёстой. Ажлынхаа явц дээрээ өөрөө боловсрох ёстой. Тийм юм байхгүй байна. Тийм учраас их хөнгөхөн нимгэхэн, Үндсэн хуулийн өөрчлөлт хүртэл их амархан юм шиг бодоод байгаа юм” хэмээв.



Л.Цог гуай “Ерөөсөө нийгмийг яаж авч явах вэ гэдэг том тэмцэл болсон шүү дээ. Бараг цусгүй дайн болсон гэж хэлж болно. Олон зүйл дээр ухаарал өгсөн. Хамгийн гол нь ний нуугүй хэлэхэд байгуулах гэж байгаа нийгмийнхээ мөн чанарын талаар олон юмыг бид мэдэхгүй байсан. Тийм үед шинэ юм руу тэмүүлнэ гэдэг хүнд байлаа. Гэхдээ эцсийн утгаараа бид хийсэн. 70 гаруй хоног хуралдаж Үндсэн хуулиа батлаад өөрсдийгөө огцруулж байлаа. Анх эхэлж бодохдоо долоо хоногт хуралдаад 10 хоногт батлаад болчихно гэж төсөв баталж дуудсан шүү дээ. Бүх аймгаас төлөөлөл ирчихсэн. Нийгэм харсан, хүлээсэн байдалтай байлаа. Тайван замаар бид хувьсгал хийж чадлаа үүнийгээ яаж бэхжүүлэх үү гээд бодож байсан үе шүү дээ. Үнэхээр үзэл суртлын юмыг олон талаас яаж хардаг, юмыг яаж шүүдэг вэ гэдгийг харуулсан амьдралын их том хичээл болсон. Үндсэн хууль боловсруулах, батлах, хэлэлцэхэд орно гэдэг хүн болгонд заяахгүй шүү дээ. Хойч үе түүхэндээ бид ярих юмтай л хүмүүс гэж бодож явдаг. Бүхэл бүтэн нийгмийн тогтолцоог толгойндоо буулгаж хэсэг бүлгээрээ ярина гэдэг бол амар зүйл байгаагүй” гэв.



“Өөрсдийгөө татан буулгачихна гэхээр их л шударга байж дээ” гэхэд Л.Дашням “Депутатууд маш их сайхан нийгэм болно гээд ажиллаж байлаа. Төрийн хүмүүс бидэн шиг байдаг л гэж бодохгүй юу. Эрх мэдэлд шунаагүй л дээ” гэхэд Л.Цог “Ямар хүмүүс ирэхийг мэдээгүй юм. Ямар хууль хийснээ бол харин мэдэж байсан” гээд ирмэж байна. Харин Ч.Хурц гуай “Ардын төлөөлөл болъё гэсэн улсууд л байсан даа. Албан тушаалд шигдэж, өндөр цалингаар хангагдая гэсэн хүн бараг байгаагүй” гэв. Цалин хангамж өндөр байсан уу гэхэд хоёрын зэрэг “Байгаагүй ээ” гэхэд Ж.Гомбожав гуай “Цалинтай байсан юм. АИХ-ын депутат сарын 80 төгрөгийн цалинтай байсан. Түүнийг нийлүүлээд жилийн эцэст авдаг. Өвлийн идэшний үхрийн үнэ хүрнэ шүү дээ. Идэшнийхээ үхрийн үнийг олоод авна гэдэг чинь болоод л явчихаж байгаа биз дээ. Идэж уух, өмсөх, илүү хөрөнгө хураая гэсэн юм байгаагүй” гэлээ. Л.Дашням гуай “Бас хурал чуулж байх үед АИХ-ын орлогч дарга хоёр хоёроороо дундаа нэг унаа унана. УБХ-ын гишүүн бол улаан паспорт өвөртлөөд автобусаар явна шүү дээ” гэхэд Л.Цог гуай “Би 430 хүний итгэлийг дааж УБХ өөрөөр хэлбэл байнгын ажиллагаатай анхны парламентийн гишүүн болсон. Хууль зүйн байнгын хорооны анхны дарга хүн. Байнгын хороо арав гаруй хүний бүрэлдэхүүнтэй. Дундаа ганцхан машинтай байлаа” гэв. Тэгэхэд Л.Дашням гуай “Хууль завхруулах ажил Цог даргаас эхэлсэн юм байна” гээд наргиад авав.



Ийнхүү хөөрөлдөх явцад бидний яриа Үндсэн хуулийн өөрчлөлт рүү шилжчихлээ. Л.Дашням гуай “Би Үндсэн хууль тогтоогчид үнэхээр маш том түүхэн гавьяат үйлс бүтээсэн гэж боддог. Үндсэн хууль тогтоосноос хойш 25 жил болоход өнөө тогтоосон хуулиа улам боловсронгуй болгох, төгөлдөржүүлэх, сайжруулах юм ярьж эхэллээ. Тэр үеийн тогтоосон Үндсэн хуульд үнэхээр бодох юм бол бий. Үндсэн хуулиар эрх зүйн орчныг бүрдүүлсэн нийгэм маань өөрөө яг бодит байдалд яаж бий болох вэ гэдгийг урьдчилан харж чадсан ч юм бий, чадаагүй ч юм бий. Түүнтэй холбоотой өөрчлөлтүүд яригдаж байна л даа. Гэхдээ өөрчлөлтийг хийхийг тулд олон зүйл бодох ёстой. Сайныг нь улам бэхжүүлж, болохгүй байгааг нь өөрчилж, гээх ёстой шүү дээ. УИХ болгон Үндсэн хуулийг өөрчилье гээд санал гаргадаг. Одоо ч Үндсэн хуулийг өөрчлөх үү, үгүй юу гэж ард түмнээс асууя гэж яриад байгаа. Өөрчлөх нь ард түмэнд гол нь биш. Ард түмэн өөрийнхөө итгэлийг хүлээлгэсэн, төрийн эрх мэдлийг шилжүүлсэн УИХ, УИХ-ын байгуулсан Засгийн газар, нийт иргэдээс сонгогдсон Ерөнхийлөгч байж байна. Тиймээс яагаад өөрчлөх гэж байгаа вэ гэдгийг боловсруулаад ард түмэнд таниулах бүрэн боломжтой. Харин өөрчлөхдөө яаж өөрчлөх вэ гэдгийг боловсруулах ажлын хэсэг нь маш чухал. Одоо бол Үндсэн хуулийн өөрчлөлтийн асуудлыг боловсруулж байгаа байдлыг харахад бас л нам, бүлгийнхээ эрх ашгийн үүднээс харсан мэт байгаа. Үндсэн хуулийг жинхэнэ өөрөө ойлгож мэдсэн. Магадгүй түүнийг тогтоож байсан хүмүүс, мэргэжлийнхэн судалгаа хийж юу нь болох болохгүй байна гэдгийг мэдсэний үндсэн дээр ингэж боловсруулах ажлын хэсэг байгуулж байна уу гэхээр үгүй харагдаад байгаа юм. Анхны Үндсэн хуулийг боловсруулахдаа яаж тогтоосон, яаж хэлэлцүүлсэн, яаж баталж тогтоосон бүх процедурыг Ж.Гомбожав дарга ярилаа шүү дээ. Яг л тэр процессоор Үндсэн хуулийн өөрчлөлтийг хийх ёстой. Юу хэлэлцэх үү, юуг өөрчлөх үү гэдгээ гаргаагүй байж л өөрчлөхгүй бол болохгүй гэсэн уур амьсгал үүсгээд байх юм. Сая ярьж байна Засгийн газрыг кабинетийн системээр байгуулж Ерөнхий сайд нь өөрөө Засгийн газраа байгуулаад орж ирэх ёстой. УИХ чинь Засгийн газраа байгуулаад, хөтөлбөрийг нь, түүнийг хэрэгжүүлэх төсвийг нь баталж өгөөд хяналт тавиад байж байх ёстой. Одоо бол УИХ-ын гишүүн Засгийн газарт орох гээд үхэлдээд байгаа биз дээ. Үндсэн хууль нь байж байхад түүнийхээ эсрэг. Тэгэхээр энэ өөрөө явж явж юу харагдаж байна гэхээр төрийн бодлоготон алга, бэлтгэгдсэн хүмүүс нь ч алга. Зүгээр л олигархи хэсэг бүлэг явсаар байгаад тэр л юу хүсч байна гэдгээ хэрэгжүүлэхийн төлөө. Хэрэгжүүлэх орчноо бий болгохын төлөө ийм л юм явж байгаа. Би бол Үндсэн хуулийг өөрчилж болно өөрчлөхдөө бид харин ч энэ өнөөдрийнхөө нөхцөл практик юу хэлж байна, ард түмний амьдрал ямар байна. Яагаад ийм болов юунаас шалтгаалав бүгдийг нь мэдсэн бодит үндсэн дээр тулгуурласан өөрчлөлтийг хийх ёстой. Түүний төлөө явах ёстой” гэв.



Харин Л.Цог гуай “Одоогоос 25 жилийн өмнө Монгол Улсад Үндсэн хуулийг боловсруулах хэлэлцэж, батлан гаргахад оролцож байсан хүмүүсийн дунд байна. Би бол 1990 оноос өмнөх тогтолцоог нураасан үүх түүхийг дэндүү сайн мэднэ. Би өөрөө 38 настай, залуу байхдаа оролцож байлаа. 1990 оны нэгдүгээр сард өвлийн тэр тэсгим хүйтэнд болсон талбай дээр болсон цуглаанд би эсгий гуталтай дэмжиж оролцож байсан. Би Төв хороонд байсан шүү дээ. Нийгмээ тэгж өөрчлөх ёстой гэж мэдэрч байсан учраас энэ залуучуудын маань зөв гэж доголон нулимстай явсан хүмүүсийн нэг шүү. Гэтэл 27 жилийн дараа ийм сөрөг үзэгдэлд хүрнэ, 1990 онд ардчиллын төлөө явж байсан залуус маань одоо хууль бусаар танихын аргагүй хөрөнгөжиж, дураараа дургина, ийм ёс зүйгүй болно гэдгийг төсөөлөөгүй байснаа би бас зориуд хэлье гэж бодож байна. Үүнийг тэр болгон хүн хэлэхгүй байх аа. Би бол хэлэх эрхтэй хүний нэг гэж бодож байна. Бид энэ 25 жил Үндсэн хуулийнхаа дагуу явсангүй. Яагаад гэвэл Үндсэн хуулиа ягштал мөрдсөнгүй, ойлгосонгүй. Тэр битгий хэл Үндсэн хуульдаа хууль бусаар халдаж долоон нэмэлтийг оруулсан явдад өнөөдрийг хүртэл шуугиан тарьж байна шүү дээ. Төрийн дээр нам гаргаж, эрх мэдэлд дураараа ханддаг, цөөхөн хүн баяждаг, ард түмний итгэлээр тоглодог ийм юм руу орчихсон. Энэ бүх байдал эргээд Үндсэн хуулийг харах өөрчлөх байдал бидний дунд хүртэл байна л даа. Иймээс ч манай 1992 онд Үндсэн хууль баталсан нөхдүүд маань өнөөдөр хоёр танхим байж хяналттай байх нь зөв юм байна гэж байгаа. Би бол яг хоёр танхимыг тэр болгон дэмжих нь зовлонтой гэж боддог. Дахиад нэг танхим бий болгоод өргөн барьсан хууль ухаандаа дээд, доод танхимаар хэлэлцэж гаргана гэвэл манай төрийн шийдвэр улам л уягдаж, хэцүү болно гэсэн зүйл нэг талаасаа бодогдож байгаа. Хэрвээ зарим оронд байгаа шиг нэг танхим нь тэр үеийн АИХ шиг ирээд зарчмын гол гол асуудал дээр тухайлбал, Засгийн газрыг бүрдүүлэх, Ерөнхийлөгчөө сонгох юмаа хийгээд тараад явчихдаг, байнгын цалингүй байвал болмоор ч юм шиг. Гэхдээ нэг манаачийг хулгай хийгээд болохгүй болохоор дээр нь дахиад нэг манаач тавьж болохгүй гэж бодож байгаа.



Ердийн хууль биш учраас олон талаас маш нухацтай хандах ёстой. Үндсэн хууль мөрдөөгүйгээс болж гарсан үр дагаврыг Үндсэн хууль руу чихэж болохгүй шүү дээ. Өөрөөр хэлбэл ухаан нь хувь төрийн эрх мэдэлд байсан улстөрчдийн гарсан гажуудлыг Үндсэн хууль руу чихэж болохгүй гэж би хатуу боддог. Үндсэн хууль өөрөө эрхзүйн мэдлэгийн маш өндөр түвшинд эрэмблэгдсэн цогц ойлголт учраас нэг тоосгыг авбал нурчихаар юм хийж болохгүй шүү дээ. Үүнийг долоон нэмэлт хийсэн туршлага бидэнд харуулж байна. Бид 1990 онд нийгмийн тогтолцооны хамгийн гол нийгмийн нам авч явах биш нийгмийг төр л авч явья гэдэг тогтолцоо руу орсон шүү дээ. Гэтэл ухаан нь нэг битгий хэл хэд хэдэн намын дарангуйлалд ороод явж байгаа. Зөвхөн тэр цоргоор орсон хүн бол хүн болж хувирдаг. Энэ ард түмний баялгыг идсэн, бусниулсан хүмүүсийг бид яаж ч чадахгүй байна шүү дээ. Ийм байж болох юм уу. Нам бол төрийн бус байгууллага. Ялгаа нь засгийн эрхийн төлөө өөрсдийн бодлогыг уралдуулдаг. Өнөөдөр маш хүчирхэг болсон. Хамгийн гол нь монгол жижиг баялаг ихтэй орон мөртлөө ингэж ихэнх нь ядуу амьдарч болохгүй. Цөөхөн хэсэг нь энэ баялгийн ихэнхийг халааслаад сууж байгаа. Үндсэндээ бид үндсэн хуульдаа заасан биш өөр шударга бус нийгэм байгуулчихлаа шүү дээ. Үүнийгээ дүгнэн харах цаг болсон. Үндсэн хуулийг хөндөж болохгүй гэсэн зүйл ерөөсөө бидэнд байхгүй. Гэхдээ 1992 онд Үндсэн хууль баталсан 430 хүний тал нь хорвоогийн мөнх бусыг үзүүлсэн гэхэд тал нь байж байна. Үндсэн хууль хийнэ гэж ямар юм байдгийг туулж өнгөрсөн хүмүүсийн санал бодлыг тусгахгүй байж болохгүй. Үндсэн хуулийн ой нь өөрөө нийгмээ хөндлөнгөөс харах сайхан боломж л доо. Төрийг мөнгөтэй хүн авч явдаг нь тогтчихлоо. Төрийн эрх мэдлийг нам барьдаг гэдэг гаж юм хүмүүсийн толгойд суучихлаа. “Манай нам төр барьж байгаа гэж ярьдаг. Тэгвэл төрөөр яах юм. Бид буцаад 1990 оноос өмнөх юм руу орчихлоо. Үүнийг хэн ярьж байгаа юм. Тэр төр ард түмнээр дамжсан байх ёстой гэж бид анх бодож хийсэн. Өнөөдөр энэ төсөөлөл алга. Өнгөрсөн 25 жил бид үндсэн хуулийг яаж завхруулдагыг харлаа” гэв.



Ж.Гомбожав гуай “Би Үндсэн хуулийн ач холбогдол одоо ч алдагдаагүй чадамжтай хэвээр байна гэж үздэг. Манай улсад 1996 оноос эхлээд эдийн засаг, улс төрийн бүлэглэлүүд бий болсон байна л даа. Ийм бүлэглэлүүд салбар хуулиудад өөрийнхөө салбарын, хувь хүний эрх ашгийг бодсон заалт оруулснаас болоод өнөөдөр Үндсэн хуулийг шүүмжлэх хандлага гараад ирсэн. Өнөөдөр Үндсэн хуулийг монголын ард түмэн нэг их шүүмжлэхгүй байгааг би бол мэдэрч байгаа. Хэн шүүмжилж байна вэ гэхээр улстөрчид, улс төрийн намууд шүүмжилж байгаа. Яагаад шүүмжлэх болсон бэ гэхээр өнгөрсөн 20 жилийн хугацаанд гарсан алдаа дутагдлаа чихэх тодорхой эзэн хэрэгтэй болсон хэрэг. Тэр эзэн нь амь биегүйгээрээ Үндсэн хууль болж хувирчихсан. Түүнээс биш яг Үндсэн хуулиас болоод монголын ард түмний амьдрал доройтсон ядуурсан юм биш. 25 жилийн дараа Үндсэн хуулийн анхны бичиг томъёо тавьж байснаас олон зүйл дээр ухарсан нь харамсалтай байдаг. Үндсэн хуульд Ерөнхий сайдыг сонгуулиар хамгийн олон суудал авсан намтай Ерөнхийлөгч зөвшилцөөд томилно гэж байгаа. Ерөнхий сайд нь бүтэц бүрэлдэхүүнээ УИХ-д оруулж батлуулж ажиллана. Гэтэл одоо үүнийг ингэж хийхгүй байгаа. Долоон өөрчлөлтөөр Ерөнхийлөгчтэй зөвшилцдөгийг нь байхгүй болгосон. Мөн Ерөнхий сайд өөрийнхөө танхимд хэнийг оруулахаа мэдэж чадахгүй байна. Учир нь нам, намын фракцууд хүнээ санал болгодог. Энэ мэтээр Үндсэн хуулиа өөрсдөө үгүй хийчихсэн. Ийм жишээ яривал  нэг өдөр байтугай болно” гэснээр бидний уулзалт өндөрлөсөн юм.


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